(November 24, 2021) The great irony about those wanting to vandalize, destroy, and remove Confederate statues is that their objective is opposite to that of Abraham Lincoln’s during the Civil War. Lincoln wanted to reunite the country whereas those who deface Confederate memorials are dividing it. Nowhere is this more obvious than in the memory of General Robert E. Lee. Today’s historians focus on reinterpreting obscure incidents, and alleged incidents, to reframe him as first and foremost a racist. Not only are the interpretations deliberately sinister and sometimes obvious lies, but they miss a greater truth about Lee. While today’s social justice warriors are doing all they can to break America apart, they fail to see how Lee’s leadership—call it myth if you must—was a unique power that helped reunite our country.
During his postbellum years from 1865 to his death in 1870 his absence of the resentment, so common among the defeated of any age, raised him high above sectional hatreds to become a role model for reconciliation. Although he wished Southerners to remain faithful to the old traditions of honor, virtue, and hospitality, he wanted them to drop any feelings that would impede reunion. He saw only ruin in continued bitterness.
As he was traveling through one Southern town years after the war, a mother widowed by the war stepped forward to introduce her two young sons while loudly expressing her hatred of Yankees. No doubt she assumed that his feelings would match hers. Although he stopped momentarily to greet the family, before moving on he looked her in the eye and said, “Madam, don’t bring up your sons to detest the United States Government. Recollect that we form but one country, now. Abandon all these local animosities and make your sons Americans.” What better inscription for a Lee statue than that?
Indeed, what better message for the race-obsessed among us today? Abandon your racial animosities and make yourselves first Americans and only secondarily blacks or whites.
Although it is true that Lee was sometimes a slaveholder, it was not often. At age 22 he graduated second in his West Point class the very month his mother died in 1829 leaving a few slaves to her sons. But Robert had little use for slaves during the military career he was just then starting. More as an act of responsibility toward a dependent than one of arrogant ownership, he took an aged houseslave with him on his first assignment near Savannah where the milder climate might benefit the older man. Between then and 1857, when he was fifty years-old, he had little to do with slaves. But when his father-in-law died that year, his wife inherited over a hundred. They were mostly at her family estate in Arlington, across the Potomac River from Washington City.
Although the slaves belonged to his wife, he was the estate executor. The deceased’s will required that the slaves be freed within five years but also required Lee to set aside monetary legacies for each of the deceased’s granddaughters. Lee worked the slaves to fund the legacies. He set them all free at the end of the five years, shortly after his Civil War victory at the Battle of Fredericksburg in 1862. By then, many had already left since the Arlington plantation had been occupied by Federals when the war was scarcely a month old in May 1861. Two that had served him in the Confederate army he converted to salaried employees. In contrast, the slaves in Union General Ulysses Grant’s wife’s family were not freed until January 1865, three years after those of General Lee’s wife.
Regarding slavery, Lee was a man of his time and place. He was born into a place and era where and when slaveholding was common. Everybody is influenced by the circumstances in which they are born, whether they admit it or not. Some politicians deeply honored today may one day be criticized for their beliefs if those beliefs are contrary to the norms of a future America. Consider, for example, how President Obama could lose stature if America in 2070 is hostile to the infanticide of abortions. No doubt his advocates will plead that he should be honored for other qualities.
The same applies to Robert E. Lee. His perspective on slavery and blacks were consistent with those of most Americans of his time. In 1854, for example, Abraham Lincoln publicly stated that he opposed slavery in the western territories because he wanted those lands reserved for “free white people.” In his 1858 debates with Stephen Douglas for an Illinois Senate seat he stated, “I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races. I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race.”
Ultimately Lee was admired most for a persistent spirit of self-denial that was the source of his leadership. Whether he was inspired by the “let-[the-follower]-deny-himself” directions in Mathew and Luke is speculative. But on one visit to Northern Virginia after the war a young mother brought her baby to him to be blessed. He took the infant in his arms, looked at it and then at her and said, “Teach him he must deny himself.” That is all.