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Why Confederate Monuments Were Erected

(June 19, 2018) The diagram below graphs the number of Confederate statues erected between 1870 and 1980. Since the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) compiled the data, they suggest the memorials were most frequently put in place during periods of flagrant anti-black sentiment in the South. In short they imply that racism was the prime motive for Confederate monument-building. In truth, however, more compelling reasons are as obvious as cow patties on a snow bank to the rational person.

The two most notable peaks of monument-building were 1900-to-1915 and 1957-to-1965.

The SPLC implies that the first wave was due to “lynchings, ‘Lost Cause Mythology,’ and  a resurgent KKK.” Facts, however, don’t support their conclusion. First, the KKK’s resurgence was in the 1920s, which was at least five-to-ten years after the first peak had already past. Moreover, the state with the most KKK members during the 1920s was Indiana, a Northern state. Second, the number of lynchings were steadily dropping during the 1900-to-1915 period. Third, “Lost Cause Mythology” was a strong influence until at least 1950 and by no means concentrated in the 1900-to-1915 period.

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Contrary to the SPLC’s imaginings three factors were the chief cause of the first surge from 1900-to-1915. First, the old soldiers were dying and survivors wanted to honor their memories. A twenty-one year old who joined the Rebel army at the start of the war was sixty years old in 1900 and seventy-five in 1915 when life expectancies were shorter than today. Second, post-war impoverished Southerners generally did not have enough money to even begin erecting memorials to fallen Confederates until the turn of the century. The region did not even recover to its level of pre-war economic activity until 1900, which was thirty-five years after the war had ended.* Third, until at least 1890 the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR) was hostile to any display of Confederate iconography. The GAR was a Union veterans organization that held considerable political power until at least 1900. By 1893, for example, they so successfully lobbied for retirement benefits that their pensions totaled nearly 40% of the federal budget.** Annual disbursements for Union veterans pensions did not top out until 1921.  

As for the second surge between 1957 and 1965, the SPLC predictably attributes it to Southern resentment over public school integration and the 1960s civil rights movement. Nonetheless, it was more likely due to initiatives that celebrated the Civil War Centennial.

*Ludwell Johnson, Division and Reunion, 190

**Jill Quadagno, The Transformation of Old Age Security, 45

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Discussion Group Selective Censorship

(June 12, 2018) As noted in “The Place Where Bullies Go”, Civil War FaceBook groups and similar online talk boards are generally hostile to Southern participants. They overflow with members who are reinforced by “administrators” and “moderators” with a pathological hatred of anyone voicing an opinion, or merely providing facts, that fail to endorse the interpretations of James McPherson, Eric Foner and their acolytes. In reality, the “administrators” and “moderators” are nothing more than anti-Southern censors. Here’s an example.

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The dominant majority of members in such groups insist that slavery was the cause of the Civil War because all other sectional differences could have been compromised. For purposes of argument a Southerner might agree that slavery was the chief reason that the initial seven cotton states seceded but disagree that it was the reason Northerners chose to fight. After all, the remaining Union-loyal states could have permitted the Southern cotton states to secede in peace. If the Northern states had not insisted upon war they could have let the cotton states leave and keep the four upper-south sates of Arkansas, Tennessee, North Carolina and Virginia without bloodshed. Those states only joined the Confederacy—thereby doubling its white population—after Northerners decided to militarily coerce the cotton states back into the Union.

Most discussion group members don’t like to explain why the North chose to fight because it might disclose the violent tyranny of their ancestors. One reason, which they are loath to even consider, is that Northerners wanted to avoid the economic consequences of disunion. The loss of New York’s dominance in cotton trade and the impact of low Confederate tariffs on Northern industry—which would thereby lose markets in the Southern states to European manufacturers—would likely have triggered an economic depression.

As a fall-back, the controlling group of board members next typically point to Fort Sumter as the reason Northerners chose to fight. But there are two problems with that. First, if the fort’s garrison had abandoned it and returned to the North there would have been no Southern call to fire on Sumter. Second, even after it was bombarded (without fatalities) Northerners could have declined to escalate the episode into a war.

When I mentioned the second point in one online group, it was immediately ridiculed. I was asked to provide an example of when the United States ever “appeased” such an affront. When I cited North Korea’s 1968 seizure of the U. S. S. Pueblopresently again in the news—the censors erased my remark because “the Pueblo incident happened in the modern era and is therefore not applicable to Civil War discussion.”

Yet the same forum permitted a lengthy thread about racial lynchings in the South including examples that were well within the twentieth century and all of which were beyond the group’s “official” 1877 cutoff for discussion content. The censors had no objection to that confab because . . . well, that’s different, see?

California Racism & Confederate Statues

(June 9, 2018) Notwithstanding that California gave Hillary a larger percentage of its vote than any other state save Hawaii, the first six minutes of the video below show that racism may be more prevalent in the Golden State than is commonly believed. It is one of a series of videos produced by a group of Los Angeles male YouTube pranksters. They approach attractive young ladies in a public setting to strike up conversations. Their purpose is to invite the girls to lunch, or a cup of coffee. Failing in that they try for the phone numbers. Initially the guys are turned-down until the girls realize that the boys own Lamborghinis. Then the young ladies invariably want to go for a ride. But the boys bluntly tell them that they are no longer interested because the girls demonstrated that they are merely gold diggers.

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In the instance below a black youth tries to initiate a conversation with a beautiful white girl inside a convenience store. The girl soon flatly says, “I don’t really talk to black guys.” The shocked and hurt young man leaves the store to stand next to his Lamborghini in the store’s parking lot. When the girl walks by the car she has a change of heart and begs the guy to take her for a ride. She even suggests that he take her to his house. When he tells her that he changed his mind because of her earlier racist remark, she audaciously denied ever speaking it.

While the alt-left academic historians and their acolytes dedicate themselves to the mass removal of Confederate statues as their method of attacking contemporary racism, they piously ignore present racism outside the South. Presumably, California’s one-sided vote for Hillary partly reflected her disdain for Confederate symbols. When asked about the Rebel Flag then flying on the state capitol grounds in Columbia, South Carolina she said, “I don’t think it should fly there and I don’t think it should fly anywhere.”

The social justice warriors that want to erase Confederate heritage by removing Confederate statues and symbols should first focus on the planks in their own eyes instead of piously condemning Southerners as uniquely evil racists. But that’s about as likely as a Cherokee Indian getting elected Pope.

Lucky Luciano’s Unlucky Stroll

(June 6, 2018) The following is an edited excerpt from my latest book, The Devil’s Town: Hot Springs During the Gangster Era. It concerns the arrest, extradition, and trial of Charles “Lucky” Luciano who headed the American Mafia during the 1930s and half the 1940s.

Lucky Luciano’s Unlucky Stroll

When Prohibition ended in 1933 former bootleggers had to find other income sources. Some turned to narcotics, prostitution, and gambling, but one of the biggest opportunities was industrial racketeering. Although traditionally hired as strike breakers, mobsters increasingly learned that they could extort both the labor and management sides of vulnerable industries. After gaining control of labor unions they could require employers to pay illegal fees to end a strike, or to insure that one was prevented. Conversely, company managements could hire the mobsters as strikebreakers against unions that the hoodlums did not yet control. After pummeling strikers, mobsters might have sufficiently intimidated the workers to gain control of the applicable union and thereafter extort money from either the union or the companies employing its workers.

Although industrial racketeering increasingly made newspaper headlines, corrupted politicians were reluctant to act. The port of New York was one of the most vulnerable victims. As a matter of economic efficiency, cargo ships needed to be quickly loaded and unloaded. Each ship could ill-afford to stand idle while longshoremen refused to load or remove its cargo. Ship owners were better off simply paying whatever bribes the Longshoremen’s Union might demand instead of trying to reach negotiated settlements on a ship-by-ship basis. Normally the illegal fees taken by the unions were large enough to share with corrupt politicians who were thereby motivated to prevent police from interfering on the waterfront.

Finally, in 1935 one New York grand jury had had enough. They demanded a broad industrial racketeering investigation. The designated assistant district attorney tried instead to steer the jury toward scrutinizing local chapters of the Communist Party, which he suggested were responsible. As in Hot Springs, New York grand juries were often politically controlled. This one, however, became a run away jury that rejected the Communist conspiracy theory. Despite the assistant DA’s efforts to deter them, the jury petitioned the governor to appoint a special prosecutor. As a result, thirty-four year old Thomas E. Dewey, who would later become and a New York governor and twice run for President, was selected to investigate and prosecute New York racketeers.

At age twenty-eight—before returning to private practice—Dewey had earlier become the chief assistant to the federal judge assigned to New York’s most important federal district. When later recruited from private practice to spearhead the prosecution of racketeering, Dewey assembled a staff of twenty lawyers between the ages of 25 and 40, composed mostly of Harvard or Columbia graduates. He also brought in accountants and a crew of youthful police who were less likely to be corrupted than veterans. Finally, he located his team’s offices in a commercial building far from the government facilities where possibly compromised government workers might learn, and pass along, information that could help the suspected criminals.

Despite his best efforts, however, it proved difficult to accumulate enough evidence to charge any notorious mobster with industrial racketeering even though Dewey’s team was convinced that many were guilty. They initially targeted Dutch Schultz who had narrowly escaped tax evasion charges that Dewey had prepared against him a couple of years earlier.  Schultz unexpectedly beat the charge in 1935 by having the trial shifted to a small upstate New York town where he spent liberally at various businesses and gave generously to local charities during the trial.

When Schultz learned that Dewey was coming after him again, but this time for racketeering, he asked Luciano for permission to assassinate Dewey. After Lucky consulted other Mafia leaders, the group concluded that instead of Dewey, it was Schultz who should be executed. They wanted to stop him from killing Dewey because such a murder would trigger unprecedented law enforcement retaliation against the Mafia in general. It would also likely cause corruptible judges to cease cooperating with the Mob. As a result, contract gangsters assassinated Schultz only days before he had hoped to kill Dewey himself.

Schultz’s murder forced Dewey to select a second prosecution target. Unfortunately for Luciano, Dewey chose him. It happened almost by accident. One Dewey team member had previously practiced in the women’s court where prostitution cases were heard. She noticed that many of the girls used the same bondsmen, which suggested that the city’s oldest profession was managed by a structured, although illegal, organization. Partly because the victims were themselves criminals, Dewey was reluctant to expose racketeering within prostitution. Nonetheless, he gave the green light to further investigations.   

Gradually the team learned that the girls earned about $300 weekly. Typically half went to the madam, while $30 was allotted to meals and medical exams. The remaining $120 was left for the prostitutes, which many shared with their pimps. Each madam paid $10 weekly for each employed girl into a fund used to pay lawyers and bondsmen as needed. A total of about 2,000 women were working in about 300 bordellos. Two otherwise insignificant Luciano underlings managed the entire operation. They dropped his name only rarely such as at times when it might prompt uncooperative participants to pay the required Mafia fees.

Charles “Lucky” Luciano

After a few months Dewey arranged a massive police raid that rounded up about a hundred women. Although judges routinely released them quickly on a $300 bond each—or a $25-each payoff—Dewey was able to get the bonds set at $10,000 this time. As a result, the women remained in jail while Dewey’s team questioned them relentlessly to collect additional evidence. Among the male prisoners were bookers and pimps who were threatened with long jail sentences. Ultimately a number of bookers, madams, and prostitutes agreed to testify and finger Luciano as the head of the management organization.

Before Dewey was prepared to spring the indictments he first persuaded the New York State Legislature to change a law that required that only one charge in an indictment could be tried at a time. A new law replacing it allowed multiple charges to be consolidated into a single indictment. That was important for two reasons. First, without it each charge would otherwise need to be tried separately. Second, prostitution’s inherent characteristics meant that participants normally commit violations multiple times. Ultimately Luciano would be arraigned on over ninety counts of compulsory prostitution.

At the time of the Dewey investigation Lucky occupied a $7,000 a year three-room luxury suite under the name of Charles Ross at the Waldorf-Astoria on Park Avenue. He spread money around liberally in order to protect his interests. Among other informants he paid Waldorf clerks and doormen to alert him whenever unfamiliar persons inquired about either Luciano or Ross. He was alone in the suite one day when a clerk phoned to say that a group of men, possibly detectives, had inquired about Ross and were on the way to the room.

Luciano quickly left the building via a freight elevator with nothing but the clothes on his back. He drove to Philadelphia where he met the local Mafia boss, Harry “Nig” Rosen who gave Lucky a Cadillac with Tennessee plates. While in town he bought a new wardrobe and borrowed $25,000 from Rosen.

To the hapless New York police it appeared as though Luciano had simply vanished. Soon police forces launched a multistate manhunt all along the east coast. After learning that he was the target, Lucky drove to Cleveland, left the Cadillac at a train station and bought two tickets for Hot Springs. In order to avoid loneliness while on the lam, he persuaded girlfriend Gay Orlova to meet him in Cleveland and accompany him to Hot Springs. Orlova was a gorgeous Broadway showgirl bold enough about her sex appeal to pose for nude photos in the 1930s. After arriving in Hot Springs in mid-March 1936, Luciano contacted Owney Madden who had moved to Hot Springs after becoming one of New York’s biggest mobsters during Prohibition. Madden introduced Lucky to influential town residents, including potentially helpful law enforcement and other government officials. Among them was Herbert “Dutch” Akers who was the top detective for Police Chief Joe Wakelin. Luciano and Akers quickly became friendly.

Luciano and Orlova settled in for an extended vacation. Sometimes Lucky visited the Central Avenue clubs where he’d place bets with bookies for horses running at Miami’s Tropical Park or Chicago’s Arlington track. Sometimes he’d gamble at club tables, which might involve taking a seat in poker games that included Nick Dandolos, better known as Nick the Greek. Lucky, however, avoided the marathon sessions that Nick relished.

Later Orlova would join him for evenings of dining and dancing at spots like the Club Belvedere. Owney and his Hot Springs bred wife, Agnes, sometimes joined them. New York subordinates phoned Luciano each morning with updates on Dewey, city police activities, general reports on Mafia business and requests for instructions on matters requiring the boss’s decision. Afterwards he might take in the morning air with a stroll along a broad walkway known as Bathhouse Row that paralleled Central Avenue.

During one such walk with detective Akers on April Fools’ Day 1936 the two unexpectedly came across New York detective John Brennan who knew Lucky personally. Brennan was in town on another case involving a theft in Yonkers, New York.  A widespread wanted poster for the Yonkers thief, displaying pictures of both the man and his pet dog, caught the attention of the Hot Springs police weeks earlier. They soon arrested a visitor fitting the description. Once the detainee was confirmed as the suspect, Brennan went to Hot Springs to return him to New York. While waiting for the extradition papers to be completed, Brennan took a morning walk that resulted in the chance meeting with Luciano and Akers.

As he was walking along Bathhouse Row, Luciano recognized Brennan and asked him what he was doing in Hot Springs, so far from New York. Brennan answered that he was in town to extradite the Yonkers robbery suspect whom, he added, Hot Springs Police Chief Wakelin and detective Akers had arrested. After Akers verified the explanation for Luciano, Brennan asked the New York mobster if he was aware that Dewey had obtained an arrest warrant thereby triggering  a multi-state  manhunt for him on the east coast.  Brennan concluded by asking Luciano to let him take the gangster back to New York along with the suspected Yonkers thief.

Luciano instead asked that Brennan pretend the two of them did not meet while Brennan was in Hot Springs. Brennan declined because if he got caught at the lie he’d lose his job, among other consequences. Before they separated Brennan asked Lucky where he was staying. The Mafia boss answered,  “The Arlington.” Next Lucky contacted Owney and asked that the latter recommend a lawyer. Owney suggested Richard Ryan.

Brennan pondered his next move. Due to the fact that Lucky was obviously on good terms with local detective Akers, Brennan decided to inform Dewey’s team and let them decide the next move. Since Dewey was out of the office when Brennan phoned, the detective talked to an assistant who recommended that Brennan arrest Luciano immediately but added that the New York cop should get help from the [Arkansas] Garland County sheriff. Early that same afternoon Brennan and a deputy sheriff arrested Lucky and took him to the jail at the county courthouse.

Lawyer Ryan quickly filed for a writ of habeas corpus with local chancellor Sam Garrett who ordered that the mobster be released on a $5,000 bond. Madden financed the bond thereby getting Lucky released the same day he was arrested.

It didn’t last. After having issued a 90-count indictment against Lucky, Dewey blew his stack when he learned that the mobster had been released on a trivial $5,000 bail. He held a New York press conference to announce that he could not understand how any judge could set such a low bail. Dewey amplified his consternation by emphasizing with dismay that that Luciano was probably America’s most notorious mobster. In telephone calls to Arkansas Governor Junius Futrell and the state’s Attorney General Carl Bailey, Dewey added that the New York prosecutors were holding Luciano’s top lieutenant on a $75,000 bond and were holding thirty men and eighty prostitutes as witnesses against Luciano.

Governor Futrell phoned Garrett the same day of the writ ruling and ordered that Luciano be brought back into custody. An astonished Garrett sent two deputies sheriff to tell the gangster that his bond was revoked and he must return to jail. Although an irate Luciano had no choice but to comply, Sheriff Jim Floyd tried to soften the blow. He told Lucky that he could use the sheriff’s office for phone calls and even let Gay visit her jailed boyfriend as often as she wanted. Meanwhile, Dewey told reporters that he had suggested a new bond of $200,000 and was putting one of his aides on a flight to Hot Springs that very night.

While a member of Dewey’s team hurried toward Hot Springs, Luciano’s top New York lawyer, Moses Pokaloff, was also flying there. Meanwhile Hot Springs city attorney, Sonny Davies, joined Luciano’s local defense team. Davies was also a law partner in a firm that included Municipal Judge Verne Ledgerwood. Consequently, Luciano’s legal team asked for a hearing at Ledgerwood’s court that resulted in the mobster’s arrest for a lesser charge. They intended that the lesser charge would legally require that Lucky remain in Hot Springs thereby preventing his removal to New York.

When Arkansas State Attorney General Carl Bailey learned of the tactic he travelled to Hot Springs with state rangers to take Luciano to Little Rock, the state capital. After a Hot Springs judge ruled against Bailey, the Garland County sheriff took Luciano into custody. Bailey regrouped and arrived before sunup the next day with a dozen heavily armed state rangers. This time Luciano was taken to Little Rock under armed guard where he would later appear before a hearing to extradite him to New York.

Three days before the hearing Bailey was visited by a stranger who described himself only as “Charlie’s friend.”  The visitor added that he understood Bailey wanted to become governor in the next election and suggested that a $50,000 campaign contribution might help. Bailey declined the implied offer.

The Little Rock hearing was held on April 6, 1936 before Governor Futrell. After the testimony of several New York witnesses the governor ruled that Charlie’s guilt or innocence was not to be decided in Arkansas, but instead in New York. He explained that his only authority was to determine whether Luciano was in New York on the date of the offense specified in Dewey’s warrant. Announcing that witnesses answered the pertinent question decisively, the governor signed the extradition papers.

Since a federal court had been involved in moving the hearing to Little Rock, a federal judge—beyond the control of state officials—granted Charlie’s lawyers ten days to file an appeal. Luciano’s Little Rock attorney assumed that the ten-day deadline would end on 17 April, whereas it actually ended at midnight 16 April. In contrast, state Attorney General Bailey did not mistake the deadline. He asked that a passenger train scheduled to leave Little Rock for St. Louis at midnight be delayed until 12:05 AM so that a heavily guarded Luciano could be put on board. When a connecting train arrived in New York, Dewey greeted Luciano in the company of forty-eight police officers.

Luciano’s New York trial lasted about thirty days during May and June 1936. He denied any connection to the two underlings who managed the prostitution business. Unfortunately for him, Dewey had sixty-eight witnesses. Among them were employees of the Waldorf-Astoria who testified that they had seen Charlie in discussions with the two operational subordinates, noted earlier, in his hotel suite. Additionally, telephone records confirmed many conversations between Luciano and the underlings.

One of the prostitutes also testified that she had overhead incriminating conversations when her pimp took her to the hotel room. Another said she had been invited to spend time with Lucky in his bedroom on several occasions and overheard similar conversation prior to retiring to the bedroom. To undermine the gangster’s credibility, Dewey forced the obviously wealthy Luciano to admit that he could not explain why his annual tax returns from 1929 to 1935 never reported income of more than $22,500. Finally, the prosecutor forced Lucky to confess his long arrest record and history of association with other well-known gangsters.

Luciano was convicted on sixty-two counts of compulsory prostitution and sentenced to thirty to fifty years in state prison. Since he was not personally involved in overseeing the business, he was stunned by the verdict. His lawyers appealed the case. Despite the fact that three witnesses—including one of the prostitutes who claimed to have overheard incriminating conversations—recanted their testimony, the verdict stood. Dewey rebutted the retractions with evidence that they were perjuries, which Luciano minions obtained by intimidating drug-addicted witnesses. As a result, Lucky was first sent to Sing Sing and then the Clinton prison at Dannemora in upstate New York near the Canadian border. Criminals informally referred to the latter as Siberia.

Even in prison Luciano retained the status of a Mafia godfather. Although assigned to work in the prison laundry room, he paid other prisoners to do his work in exchange for gifts. Other men were similarly bribed to clean his cell and perform all his other unpleasant chores. He spent most of his Dannemora time playing cards and strolling around the grounds as other prisoners sought audiences with him. He was still nominally in charge of his Mafia kingdom because, by tradition, a boss’s throne could only be relinquished by death or abdication.

Before entering prison, he delegated administrative authority for his Mob family to Frank Costello, who climbed the Mafia ladder via his True Mint Novelty Company, which was a slot machine enterprise hidden under the facade of a candy vending machine operation. Even though in prison, however, Luciano continued to hold ultimate authority.

Shortly after America entered World War II, federal authorities negotiated secretly with Luciano. They asked that he use his influence over the Longshoremen’s Union to prevent strikes as well as to detect and combat potential enemy sabotage missions along the waterfront. The unexplained sinking of the French passenger liner S.S. Normandie as it was being converted into a troop carrier at Manhattan’s pier 88 only a few months after the United States formally entered the war triggered the discussions.

Luciano agreed to help and tried to negotiate a sentence reduction. The following year he also volunteered to provide contacts in Italy in order to aid the Allied invasion of that country. Although his appeal for a sentence reduction was rejected in 1943, federal officials appreciated his attempts to assist the war effort. After the war ended then-Governor Dewey gave Luciano executive clemency on the condition that he agree to be deported, with the understanding that if he ever returned to the United States he would be treated as an escaped prisoner. On February 10, 1946 Lucky waved goodbye to New York and set sail for Sicily. It was the last time he would see the United States.

Although he never became the central antagonist in a television series like Al Capone in The Untouchables, Charles Luciano was as powerful a mobster as any who reached the top of the American underworld. It may be noted, for example, that Frank Costello remained subordinate to Luciano while the latter was in prison even though Costello inspired the Vito Corleone character in Mario Puzo’s, The Godfather. As shall be discussed, Hot Springs also figured-in to Costello’s biography.

War Against Southern Civilians

(June 3, 2018) Adult and independent Civil War student, Shane Anderson, provides the list below of Southern Towns burned by the Union Army. He adds that the list keeps lengthening as he occasionally learns of new additions as a byproduct of his general studies.

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Osceola, Missouri, burned to the ground, September 24, 1861 – The town of 3,000 people was plundered and burned to the ground, 200 slaves were freed and nine local citizens were executed.
Platte City – December 16, 1861 – “Colonel W. James Morgan marches from St. Joseph to Platte City. Once there, Morgan burns the city and takes three prisoners — all furloughed or discharged Confederate soldiers. Morgan leads the prisoners to Bee Creek, where one is shot and a second is bayonetted, while the third is released. ”
Dayton, Missouri, burned, January 1 to 3, 1862
Columbus, Missouri, burned, reported on January 13, 1862
Bentonville, Arkansas, partly burned, February 23, 1862 – a Federal search party set fire to the town after finding a dead Union soldier, burning most of it to the ground
Winton, North Carolina, burned, reported on February 21, 1862 – first NC town burned by the Union, and completely burned to the ground
Bledsoe’s Landing, Arkansas, burned, October 21, 1862
Hamblin’s, Arkansas, burned, October 21, 1862
Donaldsonville, Louisiana, partly burned, August 10, 1862
Athens, Alabama, partly burned, August 30, 1862
Randolph, Tennessee, burned, September 26, 1862
Elm Grove and Hopefield, Arkansas, burned, October 18, 1862
Fredericksburg December 11–15, 1862 – town not destroyed, but the Union army threw shells into a town full of civilians
Napoleon, Arkansas, partly burned, January 17, 1863
Mound City, Arkansas, partly burned, January 13, 1863
Hopefield, Arkansas, burned, February 21, 1863 – “Captain Lemon allowed residents one hour to remove personal items, and the men then burned every house in the village.”

Eunice, Arkansas, burned, June 14, 1863
Gaines Landing, Arkansas, burned, June 15, 1863
Bluffton, South Carolina, burned, reported June 6, 1863 – ”
Union troops, about 1,000 strong, crossed Calibogue Sound and eased up the May River in the pre-dawn fog, surprising ineffective pickets and having their way in an unoccupied village. Rebel troops put up a bit of a fight, but gunboats blasted away as two-thirds of the town was burned in less than four hours. After the Yankees looted furniture and left, about two-thirds of the town’s 60 homes were destroyed.”
Sibley, Missouri, burned June 28, 1863
Hernando, Mississippi, partly burned, April 21, 1863
Austin, Mississippi, burned, May 24, 1863 – “On May 24, a detachment of Union marines landed near Austin. They quickly marched to the town, ordered all of the townpeople out and burned down the town.”
Columbus, Tennessee, burned, reported February 10, 1864
Meridian, Mississippi, destroyed, February 3 to March 6, 1864 (burned multiple times)
Washington, North Carolina, sacked and burned, April 20, 1864
Hallowell’s Landing, Alabama, burned, reported May 14, 1864
Newtown, Virginia, May 30, 1864
Rome, Georgia, partly burned, November 11, 1864 – “Union soldiers were told to burn buildings the Confederacy could use in its war effort: railroad depots, storehouses, mills, foundries, factories and bridges. Despite orders to respect private property, some soldiers had their own idea. They ran through the city bearing firebrands, setting fire to what George M. Battey Jr. called harmless places.”
Atlanta, Georgia, burned, November 15, 1864
Camden Point, Missouri, burned, July 14, 1864 –
Kendal’s Grist-Mill, Arkansas, burned, September 3, 1864
Shenandoah Valley, devastated, reported October 1, 1864 by Sheridan. Washington College was sacked and burned during this campaign.
Griswoldville, Georgia, burned, November 21, 1864
Somerville, Alabama, burned, January 17, 1865
McPhersonville, South Carolina, burned, January 30, 1865
Barnwell, South Carolina, burned, reported February 9, 1865
Columbia, South Carolina, burned, reported February 17, 1865
Winnsborough, South Carolina, pillaged and partly burned, February 21, 1865
Tuscaloosa, Alabama, burned, April 4, 1865

Letter to CWTrust about Ruined Confederate Monuments

June 1, 2018

Mr. James Lighthizer
President
American Battlefield Trust – Civil War Trust
Suite 900
1156 Fifteenth Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20005

Dear. Mr. Lighthizer:

Provided below is a photo of a vandalized monument for Texas and Arkansas Confederates at Virginia’s Wilderness National Battlefield Park. Notwithstanding that the overwhelming majority of subscribers to your Hallowed Ground magazine showed in a recent survey that they want such monuments preserved, your failure to support your readers and donors with any action, or even a vigorous statement of agreement, has contributed to the intolerance responsible for such mutilations.

Although you state that your objective is to preserve battlefields and not monuments, I wish you to understand that I would rather see the battlefields returned to nature than become a place where Confederate monuments are merely a collection of mutilated stone memorials.

Sincerely Yours,

Philip Leigh
My Amazon Author Page 

“A man who would not defend his father’s grave is worse than a wild animal.”
~ Chief Joseph